Anthony R. Brunello

One of the means to undermine democratic government is to destroy public trust in institutions. Tyrants break confidence in democracy by constantly attacking government as wasteful, incompetent, and illegitimate. The conservative movement in America gradually moved in this direction on three fronts: religion, economics, and democratic institutions, working toward minority autocracy and against egalitarianism and diversity. Reagan-era neoliberalism evolved into the Tea Party Movement (in 2008) and has now transformed into MAGA (in 2016) (Make America Great Again) under Donald Trump. The Heritage Foundation is now ready to fulfill a dream of “dismantling the administrative state” with Project 2025: Mandate for Leadership (in 2023). This extended commentary chronicles the means through which the American conservative movement used racism and religion to undermine democratic institutions for the sake of power and wealth and to win an ideological culture war for White nationalism.

The United States is enduring an identity crisis characterized by a polarized political climate precipitating an American culture war. In this battle the Republican Party has been overtaken by “Anti-wokeism” allied with antidemocratic “states' rights” beliefs claiming an exclusive, antipluralist definition of republic. The extremist right in America insists that America is not a democracy, but a “republic” built to respect the status of a minority characterized as white, nationalist and Christian. “Anti-wokeism” is an extension of Trumpism and MAGA (Make America Great Again), gathering together antidemocratic forces, fueled by resentment and theories of racial displacement known as the Great Replacement Theory. These forces are overwhelming the modern Republican Party, inspiring homophobia, misogyny, racism, book bans, and violence. This essay addresses the following four elements of this crisis with an eye to a renewed vision of America: (1) the difference between an 18th Century and 21st Century definition of a republic; (2) the antidemocratic states' rights movement; (3) the nature of strongman populism in American politics; and (4) a vision of diversity as the core principle of the American Republic.

This chapter investigates the nexus of language, power and leadership in Niccolò Machiavelli’s (1469-1527) political thought and political writings, such as The Prince and The Discourses. It shows that the relationship between power and language in Machiavelli’s standards for leadership operates at a number of levels. First of all, there is the advice Machiavelli offers to leaders for effective communication in the political arena. Second, there is his blunt rhetorical style combined with the perspective of a Renaissance writer who not only speaks in the humanist voice of his times, but helps to shape its expression. Finally, there are the strategic ways in which discourse is employed in his narratives. These three aspects of Machiavelli’s rhetoric demonstrate his deep consideration for canons of strategic public communication, involving, above all, the awareness of audience’s social, psychological and political predispositions. As such, they make for Machiavelli’s unique political judgement and rhetorical stance which both remain relevant in the 21st century.

American political conservatism is distinct from its counterparts in Europe and elsewhere in the world. American conservatives have long staked their claims on devotion to limited government and free-markets, but also on an image of responsibility. Conservatives posed as the “adult in the room,” admonishing the young, the anti-war types, social progressives, ultra-liberals, environmentalists, and socialists for their radicalism and immaturity. Conservatives defended tradition, rules, hierarchy, and social conventions. Today the roles are switching. Conservatives have morphed into a new political space, while many of their more progressive opponents call for rule of law and American institutions of democracy. Conservatives find themselves the problem rather than the solution, displaying a shortsighted and toxic immaturity destructive of democratic institutions. This article explores the transformation with a focus on developments occurring in the 21st century—in America and around the world.

The rise of populist leaders like Trump certainly raises issues of leadership and effectiveness. The current populist moment may be one of “Cultural Backlash,” but there is also merit in resurrecting and assessing the work of Niccolò Machiavelli in evaluating Trump’s leadership and success. Would Machiavelli, with his emphasis on a “success ethic” and a studied moral indifference, rate Trump to be a “great prince?” This article analyzes Machiavelli’s role and contemporary relevance as well as what he might say about a leader like Donald Trump. Machiavelli offers one insight into a style of leader that exposes the dangers of ignorance allied with self-interest in a nationalist pose. Also, we can visualize (with Machiavelli’s help) a modern reconsideration of the dimensions of love, hate, and fear in 21st century leadership—especially among national populist leaders. This matters politically to us all.